Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, all members of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), declared Monday their intention to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC), denouncing it as a “neo-colonial instrument of repression.”

In a joint statement, the three military-led governments, which came to power through coups between 2020 and 2023, said the court based in The Hague had “proven itself incapable of handling and prosecuting proven war crimes, crimes against humanity, crimes of genocide, and crimes of aggression.” The juntas argued that they would instead establish “indigenous mechanisms for the consolidation of peace and justice.”

Withdrawal from the ICC takes effect one year after a state formally submits its decision to the UN General Secretariat.

The announcement reflects the AES states’ deepening break from Western partners, particularly France, and their growing alignment with other powers such as Russia, whose president Vladimir Putin has been under an ICC arrest warrant since March 2023 over the war in Ukraine.

All three Sahelian nations face ongoing jihadist violence linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, while their armies have also been accused of abuses against civilians.

Established in 2002, the ICC was designed to prosecute the perpetrators of the world’s gravest crimes when national systems fail to do so.

(Source: France 24 with AFP)

The death of a one-month-old girl in The Gambia has reignited alarm over the persistence of female genital mutilation (FGM) in the country, despite years of advocacy and a legal ban in place since 2015.

Police confirmed the infant was circumcised in the western town of Wellingara before being rushed to Bundung Maternal and Child Prosperity Clinic, where she was pronounced dead on arrival. Two women alleged to have carried out the procedure are now in custody as investigations continue.

FGM has been outlawed in The Gambia for nearly a decade, with offenders facing up to three years in prison, or life if the victim dies. Yet the practice remains widespread. UNICEF estimates that 73% of Gambian women and girls aged 15 to 49 have undergone FGM, with Amnesty International noting that most are cut before the age of six.

Women’s rights organisations in the country have condemned the latest death. The Edward Francis Small Centre for Rights and Justice urged the government to step up awareness campaigns and apply the law more rigorously. Women in Leadership and Liberation (WILL) was more scathing, accusing authorities of “failing to protect children” and warning: “Culture cannot be an excuse, tradition cannot serve as a shield; this is violence, plain and straightforward.”

The tragedy highlights a wider struggle. Globally, more than 200 million women and girls have been subjected to FGM across 31 countries, according to the UN Population Fund. While prevalence is declining in some regions, the practice remains deeply entrenched in others. In Djibouti, Guinea and Somalia, the majority of women aged 15 to 49 are still forced to undergo it, perpetuated by entrenched cultural pressures.

Health experts stress that FGM has no medical benefit and can cause lifelong physical and psychological harm. In The Gambia, the consequences proved immediate and fatal.

Activists argue that laws alone are insufficient. “The Wellingara case shows that FGM is not a relic of the past—it is a current public health and human rights crisis,” said one women’s rights advocate. “Without political will, community education, and international solidarity, more girls will continue to die.”

By Caleb Koyo-

From Nairobi

When Kenya’s parliament tabled the controversial 2024 Finance Bill, the government expected a routine budget cycle. Instead, it ignited one of the most significant youth-led protest movements in the country’s recent history.

From Nairobi to Mombasa, chants of “Reject Finance Bill” reverberated through the streets. Among those who marched was Kevin Kimani, a youth leader who once stood for election in Njoro Ward. For him, the unrest was never just about taxation. “It was a declaration of freedom,” he said.

The protests were not confined to Kenya. Across East Africa, young people are voicing discontent at governments that promised democracy but have delivered repression. In Tanzania, President Samia Suluhu Hassan’s early reformist image has been overshadowed by growing surveillance and a harsh crackdown on dissent. In Uganda, Yoweri Museveni has ruled with little challenge for nearly 40 years. And in Kenya, President William Ruto faces persistent allegations of corruption and the silencing of critics.

Out of this disillusionment, a new movement is emerging. Journalists, activists, and Gen Z organisers are defying the risks to speak out. “The protests showed us the sheer power of Kenya’s young people,” Kimani said. “Leadership is not about titles or positions, but about standing with the people. Gen Z stepped forward with courage and made their voices impossible to ignore.”

For Kimani, the lesson runs deeper than politics. “Freedom and prosperity will never come from government handouts or control. They come when people claim their right to be heard and shape their future. The spirit we saw in 2024 is the spirit of liberty itself. The youth will no longer wait to be invited into democracy—we are already here, setting the pace for a freer, more prosperous Kenya.”

But as chants echoed through Nairobi, another battle unfolded: the fight for the right to report. On the day police sirens blared nationwide, the Communications Authority issued an emergency order banning live coverage of the protests. Officials said it was to prevent incitement; press freedom advocates called it blatant censorship.

The clampdown was deadly. Amnesty International reported that in a single day, 19 protesters were killed, more than 500 injured, and journalists directly targeted despite being clearly identifiable. In Nakuru, reporter Catherine Wanjeri was shot with rubber bullets while covering the demonstrations. Days later, anti-corruption blogger Albert Ojwang died in police custody, a chilling warning to those who dared to challenge the state.

In this climate, journalists were not simply recording events—they were risking their lives. Among them was Rodgers Otiso, a young reporter for the Standard Media Group, who documented the protests from the frontlines. His work, like that of many in his generation, is reshaping both journalism and the contours of civic resistance in East Africa.

The resistance is not confined to the streets. For Joan Mugaba, a Ugandan educator and activist, teaching and storytelling have become acts of defiance. “Education gives people the confidence and language to resist. Storytelling ensures our experiences are not erased. When young women tell their stories, they transform their communities,” she said.

Through the Young Women’s Hub and her literacy project #BooksIntheGhetto, Mugaba has created grassroots platforms where women and young people can flourish despite political repression. But she warns that solidarity cannot stop at words. “Regional and global allies must do more than issue statements,” she said. “We need mentorship, resources, and networks that reach young leaders on the ground. That is how real change begins.”

This report was produced as part of the Liberalist Centre’s Journalism for Liberty Fellowship, with support from Atlas Network and the Institute of Economic Affairs.

By Caleb Koyo-

From Nairobi